Reports has obtained detailed draft charges that never made 
it to the courts regarding the brazen looting of Rivers State treasury 
by the state’s former governor, Peter Odili. The documents show how Mr. 
Odili used a combination of government officials and personal companies 
disguised as fronts to fleece Rivers State to the tune of N100 billion 
between 2004 and 2007.
Saharareporters’ analysis of the draft charges, which were prepared 
by well-known Nigerian lawyer Festus Keyamo, reveal that, between 
December 2004 and September 2006, Emmanuel Nkatah, a personal staff of 
the governor operating at the Rivers State liaison office in Abuja, 
alone withdrew over N4 billion naira from Zenith Bank account No. 
6010916567 which belonged to Rivers State Government House.
The 220-count draft indictment targeted Mr. Odili and 24 others 
regarding allegations of theft, conspiracy to commit theft, money 
laundering and fraud.
The draft charges listed other accused persons and beneficiaries of Mr.
 Odili’s extensive looting. The list includes founder of Arik Airline, 
Johnson Arumemi-Ikhide, former Minister of Aviation, Babalola Borisade, 
two former People's Democratic Party chairmen, Ahmadu Alli and Barnabas 
Gemade. Also listed as co-accused are Pauline K. Tallen, Mrs. Olufemi 
Agagu, Ike Nwachukwu, a retired general, and Ukandi Damanchi, a 
professor.
The businesses named in the charge sheet include Courage Communications
 Ltd, Attn Ltd, Ragolis Water Ltd, M/S Wetland Health Services Ltd, 
Transky Ltd, Foby Eng. Ltd, First Medical/Sterile Company Ltd, Habila 
Resources Ltd, Rockson Engineering Co. Ltd, Ojemai Farms Ltd, Ojemai 
Investments Ltd, and Godsonic Oil Company Ltd, an oil company owned by 
Peter Odili which also has business interests in the Nigeria/Sao Tome 
Joint Development Zone (JDZ) Block 4.
The documents reveal, for instance, that between January 2004 and 
December 2006, Mr. Johnson Arumemi-Ikhide, the alter ego of Rockson Eng.
 Ltd, received over N60 billion from the accounts of the Rivers State 
government. Also between September 2005 and the year 2006, Mr. Borishade
 was the beneficiary of an illegal diversion of over N4 billion in the 
guise that it would be used to rehabilitate Port Harcourt International 
Airport. On March 3rd and March 10th 2006, then Governor Odili withdrew 
the sum of $2 million U.S. dollars for personal use but in the guise 
that the money would be used to sponsor senior government officials on a
 trip abroad. As his tenure as governor drew to a close, Mr. Odili 
intensified the questionable withdrawals. On March 16, 2007, he withdrew
 another $2 million for the same purpose of sponsoring senior government
 officials on a foreign trip. On April 20th 2007, he withdrew another $2
 million for the same purpose. On May 23, 2007, days before he left 
office, he withdrew another $1 million.
Of particular interest in the indictments is Mr. Odili’s corrupt 
entanglement with several major media organs. The charge sheet listed 
some media companies that received huge sums of money from Mr. Odili’s 
loot. SaharaReporters learnt that the dole-outs to the media were 
designed to buy their silence. 
The biggest chunk of the payoffs went to Nduka Obaigbena's Leaders 
and Company Ltd, the publishers of ThisDay newspapers, Raymond Dokpesi's
 Daar Communications PLC, owners of African Independent Television (AIT)
 and Raypower FM, John Momoh's Channels Television Ltd, and Newswatch 
Communications Ltd, publishers of Newswatch magazine whose chief 
executive is Ray Ekpu.
In particular, the charge sheet stated that between 2004 and 2007, 
Gov. Odili channeled almost N2 billion to Daar Communication, over N300 
million to Leaders and Company, N50 million to Channels Television Ltd 
and over N100 million to Newswatch Communications Ltd. all received part
 of the loot from Mr. Odili's slush fund.
In addition, Mr. Odili was notorious for doling out cash to numerous
 prominent editors, columnists and reporters. Thanks to his policy of 
bribing the media, he received little or no negative publicity during 
his eight-year rule. “Governor Odili presided over Rivers State at a 
time when a lot of revenue was rolling in here,” said a Port 
Harcourt-based politician. “Yet, the state capital, Port Harcourt, was 
in very bad condition and the state had no good roads or other 
infrastructure. Where did all the money go? Why did members of the press
 not ask questions?”
Sometimes, Mr. Odili splashed cash on party officials as well as 
other notable figures. Among those who received N20 million each were 
Mr. Ahmadu Ali, Mrs. Olufemi Agagu, Mr. Barnabas Gemade, and retired 
General Ike Nwachukwu.  
The documents indicate that the scale at which public funds were 
converted to private use was staggering. There was clear evidence of 
money laundering and blatant stealing of Rivers State funds for the 
personal use of the governor and his cronies.
Mr. Odili’s legal trouble started on October 31, 2006 when a petition 
came into the office of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission 
(EFCC). The commission launched investigations into various allegations 
of corruption and financial crimes leveled against Mr. Odili and other 
officials of the Rivers State Government. On December 12, 2006, the EFCC
 issued an interim investigative report and prepared a draft of 223 
charges against the governor.
In a counter-move, the then Attorney-General of the state, and later 
Nigeria's Foreign Affairs minister, Odein Ajumogobia, on February 23, 
2007 sued the EFCC, the then Speaker of the Rivers State House of 
Assembly, Rotimi Amaechi, and other defendants in a Federal High Court 
in Port Harcourt. In the suit, Mr. Ajumogobia asked Justice Ibrahim 
Nyaure Buba  of the federal High Court in port Harcourt to bar the EFCC 
from investigating, prosecuting or ever harassing Mr. Odili and 
officials of his administration. In the suit (number FHC/PH/CS/78/2007),
 the then Attorney-General claimed that the EFCC had no powers to 
investigate the state government and that such a move went contrary to 
provisions of Nigeria’s Constitution which gave such power to the State 
House of Assembly. The suit asked the court to bar the EFCC from sharing
 whatever information it had gathered with the media or coercing the 
State House of Assembly to commence impeachment proceedings on the 
governor.
On March 20, 2007, Justice Buba granted the Rivers State government all
 that the state’s Attorney-General prayed for in what is now called a 
perpetual injunction. Upon leaving office, Mr. Peter Odili again went to
 court and asked that he should be made a beneficiary of the perpetual 
injunction granting him permanent immunity from prosecution. Again, 
Justice Buba’s court agreed. The judge imposed “a perpetual injunction 
restraining the EFCC from arresting, detaining and arraigning Odili on 
the basis of his tenure as governor based on the purported 
investigation.”
In 2007, the Nuhu Ribadu led EFCC claimed they immediately file an 
appeal but the court of appeal never assigned the case as Mary Odili was
 a judge with enormous powers at the Court during the period.
Again in 2008, the EFCC filed an appeal against Justice Buba’s 
ruling. In the brief, the EFCC argued that the commission had the right 
under the statute that created it to investigate economic crimes 
allegedly committed by the state government and Mr. Odili. It also 
argued that the Buba Court was wrong in proceeding with an “Original 
Summons when it was obvious that the parties were in serious contentions
 on the facts.” The appeal described Justice Buba’s action as “at best 
incompetent,” insisting that the court “lacked jurisdiction” to hear the
 case. It concluded that “the judge was wrong to have issued the 
declaratory orders and injunctions against the Appellant (EFCC) which 
amount to prohibiting [the EFCC] from carrying out its statutory 
functions and setting aside its report when in fact the report was not 
even placed before him.”
Five years after, the EFCC’s appeal is still at the Appeal Court of 
Nigeria in the Port Harcourt judicial division waiting for the lower 
court’s verdict to be vacated.
Meanwhile, Mr. Odili also went to the same court and on January 27, 
2011 won a ruling that he should be joined as an interested party in the
 substantial case.
However, no date has been set for the hearing. Sources close to 
Saharareporters said that the administrations of former President Umaru 
Yar’Adua and incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan have had no interest 
in seeing Mr. Odili tried. “Both President Yar’Adua and now President 
Jonathan subtly encouraged the no-action status quo,” a legal source in 
Abuja told SaharaReporters.
In fact, while Mr. Odili’s charges had been prepared and awaiting 
filing at the Federal High court, President Jonathan nominated his wife,
 Mary Odili, to the Supreme Court in May 2011. Several sources told 
SaharaReporters that Mrs. Odili played a key role in the plot to scuttle
 the wide-ranging indictment against her husband.
After governing the oil-rich Rivers State from 1999 to 2007, Mr. Odili 
ran for president in 2007. But he was forced to withdraw when some 
interests within his party confronted him with the numerous allegations 
of embezzlement of government funds during his governorship.
In his autobiography, Conscience and History, published last year, 
Mr. Odili acknowledged that he negotiated the charges against him with 
then President Olusegun Obasanjo. Mr. Odili offered to drop his 
presidential bid in exchange for a sort of soft landing that initially 
included being offered the Vice-Presidential slot. That slot was later 
given to Mr. Goodluck Jonathan.
Former Governor Odili is one of the nine governors whose corruption 
cases are in perpetual limbo in the courts. Others are James Ibori of 
Delta State, currently serving jail time in London for corruption, 
Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State, Joshua Dariye of Plateau State, Orji 
Uzor Kalu of Abia state, Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State, Saminu Turaki of
 Jigawa State, Boni Haruna of Adamawa State, and Jolly Nyame of Taraba 
State.
In spite of the swirl of corruption around Mr. Odili, he had no 
difficulty persuading Lincoln University, one of America’s most 
prestigious historically Black colleges, to accept donations from him, a
 fact noted by Human Rights Watch. By the end of 2006, Mr. Odili had 
become one of the school’s largest donors, with at least $1.64 million 
in donations. During that year, the university bestowed a controversial 
honorary degree on Mr. Odili. Lincoln held a luncheon in his honor, and 
named a building after him, actions that drew outrage from Nigerian 
groups as well as Human Rights Watch.
Political sources in Abuja told SaharaReporters that several factors
 have helped Mr. Odili evade prosecution so far. One factor is his wife,
 whose position as a justice of the Supreme Court makes her an insider 
who is able to ensure that her husband will not face a no-nonsense 
judge. Another factor is that Mr. Odili was very close to former 
President Obasanjo, and was an early and enthusiastic supporter of Mr. 
Obasanjo’s failed plan to change the Nigerian constitution in order to 
continue as president. Besides, since the end of his tenure as governor,
 Mr. Odili has moved to Abuja where he maintains a quiet profile, making
 as little political noise as possible. After years of feuding with his 
successor, Governor Rotimi Amaechi, Mr. Odili and the Rivers State 
governor had a kind of reconciliation in 2011, just as Mrs. Odili was 
elevated to Nigeria’s apex court. In a country where political 
considerations are often paramount, Mr. Odili has ensured that he is not
 perceived as a political threat to President Jonathan and other 
powerful political interests while his businesses which are proceeds of 
corruption booms.
   
Full Draft Charges Will Be UPLOADED On Monday


 
 
what a pity! I pity the nation called nigeria.
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